Judicious | Definition of Judicious by Merriam-Webster

judicious utilization meaning in urdu

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[Secret] Securing Our Future

August 2033
With Neelum District and Gilgit-Baltistan formally ceded to the Republic of India in the Treaty of Paris, India's geo-strategic objectives in the the region have been secured. The seizure of Gilgit-Baltistan separated long-time allies China and Pakistan from one another (and in so doing, deprived China of an Indian Ocean outlet for its goods). Moreover, the territory has given India a direct land route to Central Asia through the Wakhan Corridor, though India has yet to formalize a highway and motor transfer agreement with Afghanistan.
India is loathe to give up this newfound advantage. Already, India has been undertaking efforts to turn the province into a veritable fortress, including the construction of new roads, railways, military bases, and airfields as well as the dramatic expansion of border police and paramilitary presence within the territory. Still, these measures are meant to hold onto territory. They are not as focused on making that territory Indian.
That's where the National Register of Citizens and the Indian Homestead Act come in. These laws have already been used to great effect in the Indian-administered portions of Kashmir, where most of the area's several million Muslim residents have been displaced. Most were deported to Bangladesh, whose protests against this policy eventually stopped when India's foreign aid contributions to the country dramatically increased. The most fortunate were granted work visas by one of the Gulf States (most notably the UAE, who negotiated a special arrangement with India for this purpose in the late 2020s), or were otherwise allowed relocation out of the country under immigration or asylum laws. Those that remain languish in detention centers, their ultimate fates unclear.
Removing Muslims is only half of the Indianization process. Taking a page out of the Israeli playbook, wherein Jewish settlers are used to change facts on the ground and to create loyal communities of resistance within the Occupied Palestinian Territories, India has made it its mission to replace these old Muslims communities with a loyal Hindu population. This has been achieved through the combination of the Foreigners' Property Act of 2026 (which made it illegal for foreigners to hold real estate without a license, and which maintained the government's policy that illegal immigrants cannot own real estate. This, coupled with the National Register of Citizens, has been used to dispossess millions of Muslims of their property over the last seven years) and the Indian Homestead Act (2027) (which auctioned off those same confiscated properties to Indian citizens at well below market rates on the condition that they continue to own the property for fifteen years).
GeosimWith India's rapidly growing (and overwhelmingly young) population, this policy has seen extensive use. Hindu communities now dominate the region (Jammu, which was already majority-Hindu, is now roughly 85 percent Hindu, while Kashmir is somewhere around 40 percent Hindu) and are afforded heavy protection by Indian forces in the area. The Sashastra Seema Bal is especially active in these communities, ensuring that they are thoroughly Indian. The population is collaborative with the Indian forces in combating the threat of terrorists and separatists--for they are well aware that should those forces infiltrate Kashmir again, it will be their communities that they target. Neighborhood watches, RSS groups, and other "paramilitary" groups are an essential part of life in the state, with many young Kashmiri Hindus volunteering for service in one of India's police or Armed Services.
Now, then, the issue is to spread this policy to Gilgit-Baltistan.
Demographic Transition in Gilgit-Baltistan and Neelum District
Assuming current population growth trends continued throughout the period of 2013 (for Gilgit-Baltistan) or 2017 (for Neelum District) to 2033 (so about 2 percent population growth per year), Gilgit-Baltistan is home to just over 1.8 million people, while Neelum District is home to just under 260,000, bringing the total population of the territories liberated from Pakistan to about 2 million. All, or near enough to all, of these people are Muslims, and most are of extremely dubious loyalty to the state of Hindusthana. Many of these communities have played host to terrorist training camps or weapons caches in the past, believing themselves to be important participants in the armed struggle for Kashmir’s liberation from India.
It is in Hindusthana’s best interest, then, that these communities be neutralized in one of three ways: pacification, displacement, or replacement.
Displacement
Neelum District and Gilgit-Baltistan were at the frontlines of the recent war against China and Pakistan. With heavy fighting commonplace and the Indian Army constantly advancing, hundreds of thousands of the region’s residents fled from the front lines back towards Pakistan. While some of these people are now content to continue living their lives in Pakistan (believing--perhaps rightfully so--that they would be persecuted if they returned to their homes), others wish to return to their homes in Kashmir, piecing their lives back together under the new administration.
Only, India has absolutely no intention of allowing them to do so. Mirroring Israel’s policy towards Palestinian refugees from the 1947 war, India will not offer the right of return to Kashmiri refugees and their descendents. Those who attempt to return will be denied entrance at the few legal border crossings between India and Pakistan. The few who manage to slip across the border without authorization will be treated as illegal immigrants and will be deported to Pakistan.
Taking yet more inspiration from Israel, the Indian Armed Forces, Paramilitary Forces, and Police Forces operating in the region will also utilize house demolition as collective punishment against the families of those who participate in separatist or Islamist groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaesh-e-Mohammed. The public justification for this policy, like in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, will be that the demolished houses are in violation of Indian building codes in the region, and are therefore a threat to public safety. An astute observer might note that of course these buildings were not built to Indian building codes, as the territory was occupied and administered by Pakistan for almost a century. Indian administrators do not seem to care about this distinction. Building code violations are just a cover.
Finally, India will extend its existing policy suite into the newly-liberated territories of Jammu & Kashmir. The territory is currently the only portion of India where the citizens have not been properly filed into the National Register of Citizens. Reviving the process of the late 2020s, India will begin to process all of the residents of Neelum District and Gilgit-Baltistan into the National Register of Citizens.
This process stands to be exceedingly difficult for the residents of these territories. First, the staggeringly low literacy rate of the population residing there (~65 percent), the limited reach of the Pakistani government in the region (which, until recently, governed Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan as autonomous regions, meaning many of the residents lacked the proper paperwork to demonstrate citizenship and residency within Pakistan proper), and the limited lingua franca exposure in the province (most of the residents speak local languages, which made it difficult to interface with Pakistani government services offered in Urdu and English), means that many of these individuals struggle to properly interface with government services to begin with.
This issue has been exacerbated by the Indian and Hindusthani Constitutions, which have (purposefully or not) excluded many of the major languages of Gilgit-Baltistan and Neelum District from the Scheduled Languages, meaning that the government is not obligated to provide services in these languages. Major languages like Burushaski (112,000 speakers in 2016), Purgi (94,000 speakers in 2016), Shina (640,000 speakers in 2016, and the plurality language in Gilgit-Baltistan), Wakhi (somewhere between 20,000 and 60,000 speakers in 2016), and Khowar (300,000 speakers in 2004). Even for those fortunate enough to speak Balti (some 400,000 persons in 2016) find themselves denied easy access to government services. While Balti is the same language as Ladakhi/Bodhi/Bhoti (which is a Scheduled Language in India/Hindusthana), it is written primarily in the Perso-Arabic alphabet, while Ladakhi/Bodhi/Bhoti is written in the Tibetan script. So even though some residents of Gilgit-Baltistan nominally have access to government services in their language, the script on the forms is effectively illegible to them. For the others, they are far less fortunate: they can interface with the Indian/Hindusthani bureaucracy of the region in English, Hindi, one of the Scheduled Languages (most likely Urdu), or not at all.
Naturally, those who cannot interface effectively with the Indian/Hindusthani bureaucracy will have a difficult time providing the necessary documents to demonstrate their residency. These people will face a similar fate to those Indian Muslims who have been denied citizenship since 2027: their cases will be taken to semi-judicial Citizens Tribunals, where the individual holds the burden of proof in the monumental task of convincing the State that they ought to be considered citizens. Appeals are allowed, but costly, locking most of the residents of Gilgit-Baltistan and Neelum District (some of the poorest places in South Asia) out.
Those who are adjudicated as non-citizens throughout this process will be systematically detained and deported to either Bangladesh or Pakistan or be permitted to apply for a work visa in the Gulf States. Under the Foreigners’ Property Act of 2026, the property of these individuals will be confiscated, as illegal immigrants are not allowed to own property in India/Hindusthana.
Replacement
The Indian Homestead Act, which sells property previously owned by illegal immigrants to Indian/Hindusthani citizens at well below market rates on the condition that they reside in the property for at least fifteen years, will be expanded to the newly-liberated portions of Jammu & Kashmir. In addition to the property of illegal immigrants, this Act will also sell properties that are destroyed and/or vacant, thereby getting new (primarily Hindu) residents for the properties abandoned during the war. With two million residents (pre-war) and an average household size of 7.7 persons, there are some ~260,000 households in the newly-liberated portions of Jammu & Kashmir.
With the country’s massive population of 1.6 billion, most of whom are under the age of thirty, the Indian/Hindusthani government expects this policy to see extensive use by young Indians/Hindusthanis looking to take advantage of the wildly low property prices to get their lives started. With the creation of Hindusthana in 2033, it is also anticipated that several internally displaced populations, like the Lhotsampas of Bhutan (many of whom now live in Nepal) and Sri Lankan Tamil refugees living in India, will take advantage of this policy to move out of their cramped, crowded refugee camps and get a new start. The impoverished populations of Nepal, like the people of the Terai, are also expected to send a significant number of “settlers” as well.
Those houses that are not sold through the Indian Homestead Act will be made available to refugees fleeing to India under the Persons Fleeing Religious Persecution Act (2027), which grants asylum to Hindus (including Buddhists, Sikhs, and Jains) fleeing persecution in their home countries. The burden of proof for “fleeing persecution” is remarkably low, effectively enabling Hindus living in any non-Hindu majority country carte blanche to relocate to India/Hindusthana. These individuals, coming primarily from Malaysia, Indonesia, and Myanmar, will face priority resettlement in Jammu & Kashmir, living in confiscated agricultural and residential properties. The Sashastra Seema Bal will be particularly active in these communities, helping the refugees to integrate into the Indian/Hindusthani way of life, while cadres of the RSS will set up Hindi/English language clinics and provide translation assistance services to make sure these groups are capable of adequately interfacing with the Indian/Hindusthani bureaucracy.
These newly-resettled communities, with their demonstrated loyalty to the Indian/Hindusthani state, will be exempted from most of the repressive measures used in the non-pacificed communities. They will be able to participate in national elections, have access to the Internet, and be permitted to move without advance permission from State authorities.
Pacification
Of course, India/Hindusthana does not expect the people of the newly-liberated segments of Jammu & Kashmir to simply roll over and allow these things to happen to them. Hence, the massive paramilitary deployment in the region. Hundreds of thousands of Indian/Hindusthani paramilitary and regular army troops are deployed in the territory of Jammu & Kashmir, with a disproportionate amount of them in Neelum District and Gilgit-Baltistan. Highly trained in counter-insurgency tactics, these units are the first line of defense against Islamist and separatists insurgents in the territory, and are tasked with the defense of the growing Hindu communities in the region (who are expected to be the targets of punitive violence from displaced Muslims) and ensuring that the remaining Muslim population is incapable of mounting meaningful resistance against the government.
Here, India/Hindusthana again looks to Israel for inspiration. India/Hindusthana will look to improve the already impressive counter-insurgency talents of the forces stationed in the territory. The paramilitary forces, already highly militarized (most use the same equipment as the Indian Army, while the remainder are equipped with Indian Army surplus), will be granted a new wave of funding to improve their equipment and training (Israeli counter-insurgency trainers will be hired to help with the training process). New drone technologies like the HAL Palaka will enable the Border Security Force and other agencies to maintain a permanent surveillance presence along the Hindusthani-Pakistani and Sino-Hindusthani borders, making it difficult for illegal immigrants and (more importantly) insurgents and their materiel to cross the border into Hindusthana. Meanwhile, new ground equipment like the Nakula, equipped with its mine-resistant armor and its light active protection system, will help defend security personnel from ATGM and IED attacks launched by insurgents. In addition to constant aerial surveillance over the borders and the territory of the province, India/Hindusthana will be mounting frequent armed patrols throughout the mountain passes of the territory, allowing them to locate and neutralize any insurgents attempting to use the mountains as cover. Insurgent hardpoints will be cleared out by Indian special forces with air support as necessary. Furthermore, permanent observation posts/watchtowers have been set up along known smuggling routes.
Since 2018, Jammu & Kashmir has been kept under President’s Rule. This special status abrogates a state’s right to self-governance (in this case, leading to the abolition of the Jammu & Kashmir legislature) and certain liberties of its inhabitants, including the rights to freedom of speech, freedom of assembly (and by extension the freedom to protest), and freedom of movement (among others). This status will remain in effect for the near-future, allowing security forces in the region to act with a much freer hand than they might otherwise be provided. Movement from town to town is prohibited without advance permission from the state, which requires submitting a detailed itinerary to the government for approval. Similarly, internet access has been effectively cut off, with what little traffic remains forcibly routed through a proxy farm surveilled by the Indian/Hindusthani government. In line with existing Indian policy towards the region since the 1990s, reporters are barred from entering the territory. These measures should make it easier to keep tabs on potential subversives, to suppress news about ongoing abuses and human rights violations by Indian security forces (though, frankly, the world hasn’t really cared up until now, either), and to keep any effective opposition from mounting.
Mandatory-carry Aadhaar ID cards (linked to the electronic Aadhaar system) have been instituted throughout the territory, and are necessary for basically any interaction with the government. Like in the rest of India/Hindusthana, an Aadhaar number is mandatory to sign up for government services (pensions, legal battles, vehicle registration, etc), but also a large amount of private functions as well (the registration of utilities, purchasing a mobile/data plan or internet plan, and the opening of bank accounts, to name a few). With each Aadhaar card bearing a unique identifying number and a photo of the cardholder, this has afforded the Indian/Hindusthani government the opportunity to compile staggeringly detailed profiles of all of the people living within the territory. Jammu & Kashmir will serve as a proving ground for a new generation of Indian/Hindusthani surveillance.
Using the information collected via the Aadhaar card, security personnel will monitor the movement, purchasing patterns, and other habits of every single resident of the territory (with special attention paid, of course, to the region’s Muslim inhabitants. This is, of course, not due to their religion, but due to the increased security threat they pose. We promise.). Suspicious behavior (large purchases, multiple phone plans, strange financial transactions, etc) will flag individuals for closer surveillance.
This is where the next stage comes into play. India/Hindusthana will set up a network of CCTV cameras throughout the settlements. The cameras will be connected to a centralized hub, through which security personnel will be able to run facial recognition searches throughout the whole territory, following the example set by China and Israel [M] and, in real life but not IG, the US in its response to the George Floyd protests [/M]. Cameras will also be set up at the entrances and exits to settlements to record the license plates of vehicles passing through, which will be cross-referenced against approved movement permits to catch people violating the movement restrictions. This will allow security personnel to track the movement of individuals throughout the state, and, in the event that someone is found to be engaged in subversive activities, give investigators leads on who else might be part of said activities by going back through their contacts and public appearances. India/Hindusthana has reached out to Russian (NTechLab), Israeli (AnyVision), and American (Google, Microsoft, and Apple) firms to invite them to tender bids for this technology.
In addition to this “prevent defense” strategy, where India/Hindusthani security personnel attempt to eliminate insurgent threats before they have the opportunity to mount attacks, India/Hindusthana will focus an array of defensive measures around the Hindu-majority communities being settled in the region. The dispossessions and resettlements outlined in the above sections will be staged throughout the territory, allowing security personnel to concentrate their defensive efforts on specific communities. Once a given community is secured, a new wave of displacement and resettlement will occur, with the security personnel focusing their additional defensive efforts on those new communities.
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judicious utilization meaning in urdu

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